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Winds of Change.NET: Raising the Marginal Cost of Tyranny
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June 15, 2005

Raising the Marginal Cost of Tyranny

by Joe Katzman at June 15, 2005 7:09 AM

The folks of Samizdata have an interesting post called Raising the Marginal Cost of Tyranny, which riffs off of my recent Zimbabwe piece to advance an idea even bigger than "The Right to Bear Arms: It's Not Just for Americans Any More™"

In that article, I mentioned Secretary of State Rice's experiences as a little girl in Alabama. Here are a couple more URLs about the U.S. civil rights era that speak powerfully to the idea of raising the marginal cost of tyranny.

We'll start with the story of civil rights leader Robert F. Williams:

"Luther Hodges ... was the governor of South Carolina at the time. We appealed to him. He took sides with the Klan.... Then we appealed to President Eisenhower but we never received a reply to our telegrams. There was no response at all from Washington.

So we started arming ourselves. I wrote to the National Rifle Association in Washington which encourages veterans to keep in shape to defend their native land and asked for a chapter, which I got."

This was in 1957. Monroe, North Carolina. The NRA granted him a chapter without hesitation or question. And this was a man who would not crawl, or be anything other than a man:

"In a year we had sixty members. We had bought some guns, too, in stores, and later a church in the North raised money for us and we got better rifles. The Klan discovered we were arming and guarding our community. In the summer of 1957 they made one big attempt to stop us. An armed motorcade attacked Dr. Perry's house, which is situated on the outskirts of the colored community. We shot it out with the Klan and repelled their attack and the Klan didn't have any more stomach for this type of fight. They stopped raiding our community."

Blogger David Hardy notes that there were no fatalities, on either side. He adds:

"BTW, (1)that's by no means the only time Williams and his friends had to use firearms to defend themselves, and (2) there was no sense calling the police, since two police cars were in the Klan cavalcade!"

Against thug militias, even those that included trained police officers, guns ARE effective. Sudan's Janjaweed are similar: a thug militia with some al-Qaeda. Zimbabwe, same deal. Rwanda was the personification of thug militias.

Communities given the tools can and will defend themselves against armed predators, even armed and organized ones. After all, it's a lot less fun to go our for a little murder and rape if there's a chance you might not be coming back. Sitting in very real Gulags, Solzhenitsyn et. al. had very similar thoughts:

"And how we burned in the camps later, thinking: What would things have been like if every Security operative, when he went out at night to make an arrest, had been uncertain whether he would return alive and had to say good-bye to his family? Or if, during periods of mass arrests, as for example in Leningrad, when they arrested a quarter of the entire city, people had not simply sat there in their lairs, paling with terror at every bang of the downstairs door and at every step on the staircase, but had understood they had nothing left to lose and had boldly set up in the downstairs hall an ambush of half a dozen people..."

To close, I'll add this personal experience anecdote from ESR:

"While researching this column, I contacted Don Kates, a civil rights attorney who went to North Carolina in 1963 to participate in the movement. I asked if he ever carried a gun during those days and he responded with a list of a half-dozen that were always within reach. Kates also suggested that I read a letter written by an old friend of his from those days, John R. Salter, Jr., who is now Professor Emeritus at the University of North Dakota. Here are two brief quotes:

"In the early 1960's, I taught at Tougaloo College, a black school in Jackson, Mississippi. I was a member of the statewide board of the NAACP and was Chairman of the Jackson Movement. No one knows what kind of massive racist retaliation would have been directed at grass-roots black people had the black community not had a healthy measure of firearms within it."

Raising the marginal cost of tyranny. Guns are definitely part of the equation, yet the idea itself is bigger still.

Raising the marginal cost of tyranny. Think about it - then let us count the ways.


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Comments
#1 from T. J. Madison at 8:32 am on Jun 15, 2005

An excellent start would be to stop funding, arming, and obeying the tyrants.

#2 from Glen Wishard at 10:05 am on Jun 15, 2005
No one knows what kind of massive racist retaliation would have been directed at grass-roots black people had the black community not had a healthy measure of firearms within it.

During the nationwide Klan revival in the 1920s, a chapter was started near Sturgis, SD. At first the "new" Klan posed as just another civic organization, but they soon reverted to their true form. They began staging intimidation rallies on a wooded hilltop near a Catholic university, whose students they regularly harrassed. For a time there was a black regiment stationed nearby at Fort Meade, so the Klan harrassed soldiers - white and black.

This went on until one of their rallies came under a hail of long-range fire, including fire from a Hotchkiss machine gun. Miraculously nobody was killed and the Klan scattered. Shortly afterwards, when it was talked around town that this sort of thing was liable to happen again at any time, the chapter disbanded.

[I apologize to anybody from the ACLU who inadvertently reads this tale of rampant vigilante lawlessness and disregard for the safety and well-being of hooded terrorist bastards.]

Nobody was ever convicted of shooting up the Klan. Suspects included anyone with a gun, which was everybody. Obviously the Hotchkiss gun came from the Fort Meade armory, but nobody seemed to know how that could have happened.

#3 from Joey at 6:11 pm on Jun 15, 2005

Quick note: Mr. Williams was mistaken. Luther Hodges was governor of North Carolina at the time.

#4 from Peyton at 7:42 pm on Jun 15, 2005

There are many sorts of subtle tyranny, and the answer is, as here, usually in the hands of the population.

When a government fails or refuses to safeguard it's own citizens, those citizens must be prepared to safeguard themselves. The example from Sturgis is prime. Now, our government is mired in politically correct debate and unable or unwilling to protect its citizens from armed invasion. The people coming to build houses and pick crops are not the problem - they should be welcomed, documented and taxed. As with any illegal commodity, it's the smugglers. Smuggling drugs or people, they make enormous amounts of money, and they are often more heavily armed than the so-called law enforcement professionals.

When foreign nationals trespass on private property, rob, rape, kidnap and murder our citizens and law enforcement officers, and do it at will with the apparent acquiescence of our government, what is that? A crime prevention challenge? Or is it a national security threat? If the governor and president don't seem to think it's a problem worth addressing, then what are citizens to do?

Here's a quick glance at the San Antonio paper, from one weekend. Free registration required, but you can opt out of spam.

Goliad County (200 miles from border) overrun

Border violence kills tourism

Nuevo Laredo police raided by federales

#5 from Joe Katzman at 8:39 pm on Jun 15, 2005

Joey (#3) - You're right, and it must be a typo by Hardy or in the book, because Williams was living in Monroe which is in NORTH Carolina.

Or maybe all those cracker states just look alike to him... :-)

#6 from PK at 9:53 pm on Jun 15, 2005

Klan chased out of Robeson County
Another well known and interesting example.

BTW, crackers are from Georgia or Florida.
Tar Heels are from NC, definetly not from SC.

These example are useful but only because there was tacit dislike for the Klan by most 'respectable' people. Rosa Parks didn't get on that bus with a handgun to fight the white establishment including the local government. She got on there and made her point by sitting down and knowing that the black churches and organizations were behind her.

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