As we watch Rathergate unfold (or fold right back up, depending on the degree to which CBS decides to continue stonewalling &/or deflecting), it's worth considering the wider climate regarding standards of accuracy and proof.
Glenn Reynolds offers two links today about scandals relating to faked data and biased reporting by academic historians, both in the United States and in Australia. Nor is history the only academic discipline in which false data and sloppy claims can be found of late, as the Economist reports this week.
Down under, Aussie historians are circling the wagons and trying to figure out how to counteract the menace posed by Keith Windschuttle, whose book The Fabrication of Aboriginal History,
[strikes] at the heart of the accepted view of Australian colonial history in the past 30 years - that the settler society had engaged in a pattern of conquest, dispossession and killing of the indigenous inhabitants. The facts, he said, did not stack up.Why should ordinary Aussies care? Because faked and biased academic reports have real-world consequences>:
The Sydney-based writer, among other things, questioned the references used by academic historian Lyndall Ryan to justify her claims that the British massacred large numbers of Aborigines in Van Diemen's Land in the early 1800s. Her footnotes supporting the claims did not do so, he wrote. He also took on Henry Reynolds, the venerable historian of the Left, whose depiction of a brutal British conquest of Tasmania had been the accepted norm.
Reynolds's work on the concept of terra nullius -- that the British seized Aboriginal land based on a policy that it was owned by no one -- developed such currency that it is believed to have influenced critical High Court judgments on land rights, including the Mabo decision. The thrust of Windschuttle's thesis was that political correctness had triumphed over historical fact.Dr. Ryan, for her part, blames the media:
At the recent conference, Ryan made some effort, though ultimately unsuccessful, to avoid media coverage for a talk she gave entitled How the Print Media Marketed Keith Windschuttle's The Fabrication of Aboriginal History: Implications for Academic Historians.She said the media had taken up Windschuttle as representing the real history of colonists' relations with Aborigines, grabbing the view that Australians had been hoodwinked by the academic left-wing historians' version. "I don't think the media owns free speech," Ryan said. She had also been shocked, she said, that Stuart Macintyre, the influential left-leaning University of Melbourne historian, had appeared to criticise her over footnote inaccuracies.
She did admit to five footnote errors, but said the primary sources verified her thesis and "the simple fact is that footnote errors do occur".
Fake, but accurate??? While we are all human, Dr. Ryan, it is a cardinal sin to allow an important work to go out with deeply misleading citations and footnotes. The scholarly apparatus of citations and footnotes are central to doctoral-level scholarship -- so much so that in my own doctoral studies, an entire term-long seminar is centered on the existing literature and the citation and keyword classification schemes that are important parts of that apparatus.
But some believe the real issue is that conservative media are pushing a political agenda:Ryan was not alone in promoting the Windschuttle-media conspiracy. The AHA president, David Carment, said the The Australian had deliberately timed the publication of its review of Windschuttle's work for the summer of 2002. During holidays more academics were on leave, Carment said, and "less able to defend themselves," and it was "a time when people were reading newspapers". (In fact, newspaper circulations fall away over summer holidays.)It might be time, Carment said, for the association to "defend its people on the basis of their professional integrity" while not taking sides in the debate.
Carment also raised, though he did not fully support, the concept put forward by West Australian historian Cathie Clement for a code of ethics that would gag historians from criticising the integrity of their peers in public. Several in the audience said everyone had to be ready to counter-attack when Windschuttle came out with his next book.
Richard Waterhouse from the University of Sydney, said academics took Windschuttle too seriously. "Sometimes we have tended to treat him as an intellectual equal," Waterhouse said, adding that sarcasm might be more appropriate. (Windschuttle earned a first-class honours degree in history from the University of Sydney in the 1960s, lectured in the subject, earned a masters in politics and left Macquarie University in 1992 when he set up a publishing house.)
Not everyone there was prepared to circle the wagons, however.
There were a couple of muted mutterings from the audience about how it would be necessary to learn media skills, and not attempt to look like academics defending their own cabal. But nobody at the session publicly asked the key question which was in some of their minds: was the academic historians' fear of Windschuttle and newspaper opinion pages absolutely paranoid?Greg Melleuish, from the University of Wollongong, says he is intimidated by the pack mentality of the Newcastle meeting. "I was quite astonished," he says. "It was like 'let's get a group of people together to ambush Windschuttle'. I think they feel under threat and that's why they concoct these conspiracy theories."
....
The question is why academic historians are so concerned about the impact of Windschuttle.Macintyre, while he does not accept Windschuttle's suggestion of a fabrication, does warn that mistakes can have a broader effect.
"There is an understandable public concern about the accuracy of historians' work," he says. At the same time, Macintyre maintains, Windschuttle fits with a conservative agenda to lift a burden of national shame from Australian shoulders over the Aboriginal issue.
Macintyre told the conference the history wars fitted in with broader "political dimensions" of the Howard Government's "abandonment of reconciliation, denial of the stolen generations, its retreat from multiculturalism and creation of a refugee crisis".
"Windschuttle was the first conservative intellectual to base his case on substantial historical research," he says.
Windschuttle says this is precisely why the academic community is still so scared of him. "There is a whole generation who have invested not just their academic capital but also their political capital in the Henry Reynolds view," he says. And, says Windschuttle, he has made Australian history interesting again for high school students who are more likely to go on to study it in universities.
Meanwhile, back in the States, several data-faking scandals from recent years still reverberate among acdemic historians. Professor Michael Bellesiles resigned his post at Emory after it was shown that his study debunking gun ownership in the colonial and revolutionary period cited original historical records that do not exist. Events in that case sound familiar today:
The announcement was released along with the long-awaited results of an Investigative Committee's inquiry into allegations of scholarly fraud against Bellesiles.The Committee, headed by Stanley Katz, a professor of public and international affairs at Princeton University (N.J.), concluded that Bellesiles was guilty of both substandard research methodology and of willfully misrepresenting specific evidence in Arming America.
The scope of the Committee was limited to five questions that revolved around probate records in Vermont, Rhode Island and San Francisco, as well as one particular table of data. Finally, the Committee was asked if Bellesiles committed "other serious deviations "from accepted practices in carrying out or reporting results from research.'"
Bellesiles disputed the Committee's findings in his statement, claiming he has followed all pertinent scholarly guidelines and corrected all errors of fact known to him.
...
The University took the unusual step of releasing the results of the Committee's report, an action Paul said was necessitated by the "intense scholarly interest" in the matter. Not released, however, were the supporting documents in the case.
Paul said in the University's statement the Committee's report was "authoritative" and upheld stringent scholarly requirements in conducting such academic investigations. The case, Paul said, was concluded.
Arming America, which addresses the history of gun culture in America, posited that guns were not nearly as prevalent throughout American history than previously thought. Praised for its innovative use of probate materials as evidence, the book was awarded Columbia University's (N.Y.) Bancroft Prize.
Shortly after its release, several researchers, including law professor James Lindgren of Northwestern University (Ill.), alleged Bellesiles falsified evidence to support his thesis. The allegations eventually forced Emory's hand into conducting both an internal inquiry and the appointing of the external Investigative Committee.
Another historian, Doris Kearns Goodwin, plagiarized extensively in several of her books, including her Pulitzer Prize–winning No Ordinary Time. Pulitzer Prize winner Joseph Ellis, a professor of history at Mount Holyoke, fabricated an entire Vietnam service story for himself and claimed that DNA proves Thomas Jefferson fathered a child by his slave Sally Heming, a claim that Accuracy in Media says is unproven.
In these latter cases, the academic community took steps to investigate the alleged frauds, albeit sometimes only after intense pressure from critics. All three of these historians resigned or were otherwise sanctioned as the standards of the profession were upheld.
The boundaries between objective scholarship and political agenda have grown overly porous, it would seem. The good news is that many in these professions care about the integrity of their disciplines and have reacted by enforcing standards of proof based on accurate and legitimate data and of well-founded reasoning from that data.
It will be interesting to see if CBS will take similar action re: Rathergate.








You will probably NOT be surprised to find a fat dose of cynical intellectual dishonesty in a Berkeley professor of linguistics and cognitive science. Here is the URL for an interview with the good doctor by UCBerkeley News:
http://www.berkeley.edu/news/media/releases/2003/10/27_lakoff.shtml
I did a yoemanlike fisking of the interview on my blog, but I feel like other folks could probably skewer his lies much more effectively. He has started (God Help Us) an Institute with other faculty from the UC system, to assist "progressives" in getting their message out to counter the success of conservatives. Must be a lot of grant money to be sucked up.
His premise--- I am NOT making this up--- is "that conservatives, especially conservative think tanks, have framed virtually every issue from their perspective. They have put a huge amount of money into creating the language for their worldview and getting it out there."
Let me paraphrases this just in case it’s too weird for us dimwits to grasp on a single hearing: The Democratic Party has been losing ground around the country in his view, because the REPUBLICANS have fooled us into believing them by dominating the language framing political discussion.
Okay. This is like the assertion that pharmaceutical companies fooled us into believing in headaches by dominating the language framing the aspirin discussion.
Yahoo.
The message is clear and it is getting through to CBS.
CBS
Whether or not CBS will air the dirty laundry to the public or keep it internal is still in question. IE CBS recognizes a failure on their part but what they do to convince and assure the public they will not do this again is debatable.
My opinion is at this point it seems as though CBS is treating itself as the NEWS Story instead of rectifying the problems that caused it to be the NEWS story.
While it will not be popular on this site, I still will go ahead and suggest it:
Please read Bill Moyer's valedictory remarks
I urge all people of good faith and integrity, interested in what the primary role of journalism is, to take to heart some (not all of course) of the sentiments in this speech.
David, just to be clear -- while there is a lot of focus right now on the effects of post-modern critical studies and Marxist categories (including political correctness as a goal) on the current generation of tenured faculty in our universities, I am less concerned to criticize the dominant politics of many academics and more concerned to criticize sloppiness of facts or politicized research no matter which end of the political spectrum it comes from.
JC, I have no problem with this definition from Moyers' speech:
Our job remains essentially the same: to gather, weigh, organize, analyze and present information people need to know in order to make sense of the world
Nor do I object in principle to Moyers' point that journalists will come up against ideologues and ideologies.
What is important is that they themselves not devolve INTO ideologues pushing an ideology. It's not hard for me, as a 52 yr old, to look at the journalists who emerged from Vietnam, the civil rights movement and Watergate and see that they are, on the whole, rather susceptible to more than a little self-delusion and self-righteousness. And of course, the definition of an ideologue is one who does not want his convictions challenged by facts.
One of the facts Moyers conveniently ignores is that the major media themselves are now an Establishment with Power ... and so the blogophere and others are Speaking Truth to them as well. On the evidence, many have not yet grasped that that is appropriate, that they are not simply brave crusaders up against political power but themselves wield power without obvious accountability.
It is telling that, at the very end of Moyers' speech, he reluctantly gives up the idea that journalism can change the world and settles for telling readers about the world. The problem that Moyers evades is that having an agenda to change the world inevitably introduces a conflict of interest which is best minimized. As an academic, I can do honest research and promulgate both empirical studies and new theory. But that is a different role from creating or influencing policy. Neither Moyers nor his peers seem often to keep the distinction in mind.
In the final analysis, facts presented cleanly, with clear organization by with restrained interpretation, are the standard against which all our claims must be held accountable. Those who would report and honestly analyze must rise above the intention of creating change in a preferred direction.
I notice that pro-gun academic serial fabricator John Lott didn't make your list. (Start here.) Of course, while Bellesisles is in (deserved) disgrace, Lott continues as a Fellow of the conservative American Enterprise Institute, where I'm sure his copious talents as a writer of historical fiction are useful.
As far as George Lakoff: I'm quite surprised that as a conservative (I take it), David March isn't proud of the way in which Team Right has shaped recent American discourse. Team Left was, frankly, fast asleep, our bad, while Talk Radio and the first stirrings of Blogistan were taken over by Team Right, and, yes, setting the vocabulary for a discussion has a lot to do with the outcome. Ask any PR guy, how they rename and reshape proposals to sound better.
The last time Team Left accomplished anything along these lines was fighting to a draw with the euphemism "pro-choice", not that "pro-life" is a shred more accurate. We might be catching up on gay rights' vocabulary, slowly. But away from social issues—maybe I should say, away from young conservatives' discovery that fornication (a/k/a hooking up) has its good points—we're losing. It's much harder to argue (taking a Lakoff as once mentioned by Krugman example) against "tax relief" than against "debt increase", but the latter followed the former as night follows day. "Death tax" is another good one, because everybody knows they die, but most people also realize that they leave only a very small "estate" for "estate taxes". At least death tax had some relation to the British term "death duties". By the way, we're still slightly ahead with "affirmative action" over "quotas" and "special preferences", which, ironically, is one place my personal allegiance to the traditional liberal view is rather weak.
I don't see this as an insuperable problem, but it does speak to the philosophical exhaustion of domestic liberalism in the 1970s and 1980s, something it's long past time to reverse.
Andrew, your link is broken so I'm not sure what point you are making re: John Lott.
Lott certainly has a strong policy position and he often publishes in "gun lust" magazines. I haven't seen any careful studies that refute either his data or his conclusions on the relative ineffectiveness of gun control laws, however.
If there are some such studies out there, please point them out and I'll find time to investigate them. As someone who occasionally shoots handguns for sport, it's a topic that interests me.
More re: John Lott: Andrew, perhaps you were pointing to this website??? I would have to spend a fair amount of time digging through the raw data and the articles in question to evaluate the claims and counter-claims. It's a topic I have some interest in, so will try to find time to do so and will publish here on Winds of Change when I have done so.
That's the link.
I should add that a number of pro-gun bloggers (e.g. Armed Liberal) have made what I think is a good case that the traditional gun control positions won't do much about gun abuse and gun crime, which is the real issue to me, and I am quite sincere in the thread downblog where I asked for their suggestions.
But not Lott. He's a liar. If his conclusions are correct, it's a chance coincidence. I have no doubt you'll reach the same conclusion.
Andrew,
The philosophic exhaustion of American domestic liberalism can be reversed (the conservatives were more exhausted in the 60s & 70s, and they managed), but doing so will be no easy task. The contradictory needs of the Democrats' constituencies won't make this any easier.
But it is possible.
Suffice to say that I wouldn't expect much help for this project from academia, though. American academia has become largely irrelevant to public policy debates over the last few decades, and the action has shifted to think tanks, PACs etc. for good reason. Reform is a generational task, and currently unlikely. For the forseeable future, "liberal" academic activists will be part of American liberalism's problems, rather a solution to them.
I'll add this... I don't follow gun control stuff very closely, because it isn't so relevant up here. But if this Lott gentleman is dishonest, then he's a liability to his side of the debate and should be shunned by them - period.
I look forward to Robin (and perhaps Marc's?) conclusions.
Oh geeze, not that hatchet job on the Australian Historical Association again. Read this.