When I contemplate how the Palestinian-Zionist conflict has unfolded over the years, from the time of the Basle Conference in 1897 to the present day, I am filled with a deep sense of depression. For rarely have I seen more mistakes and missed opportunities than those in the actions, decisions and choices of some Palestinians since the beginning of the conflict up to the present. A major contribution to the long list of mistakes and missed opportunities, and possibly the most self-defeating of all, is the way some of the Palestinian factions have been acting in the recent period.
Resistance is not an end in itself; it can only be seen as such by those suffering from infantile disorder or by hooligans with no sense of responsibility and an anarchistic turn of mind. As far as any sane, sensible and responsible person with a conscience is concerned, resistance is only a means to an end.
Rather than place themselves under the umbrella of the Palestinian Authority, some Palestinian factions are trying to retain their autonomous character and set themselves up as parallel leaderships side by side with the legitimate leadership as personified by Mahmoud Abbas. In this they are displaying symptoms of the same aberrations we have mentioned: infantile disorder, irresponsibility, hooliganism and anarchism.
No rational person who sees himself as part of humanity and civilization and who believes in the rule of law and in legitimacy can fail to recognize the validity of two irrefutable truths: one, that resistance is a means to an end, and, two, that any attempt by organizations with no legitimacy to place themselves on an equal footing with the legitimate leadership will inevitably lead to chaos.
And yet that is exactly what some Palestinian factions, notably Hamas and Islamic Jihad, have been doing over the last few weeks. Their stance is wholly without merit. They have arranged their priorities in such a way as to run counter not only to logic and common sense, but also to Palestinian interests and welfare.
The idea that Palestinian decision-making should be shared out between the legitimate leadership and factions with no claim to legitimacy, or that Palestinian weapons should not be handed over to the legitimate leadership is unacceptable to all but persons who are either of bad faith or who, at best, suffer from emotional and intellectual immaturity that renders them incapable of understanding the very concept of legitimacy.
Just as logic, wisdom and national interest made it incumbent on Palestinians to accept the late President Sadat's invitation to attend the Mena House Conference over a quarter of a century ago, the same considerations make it incumbent on every Palestinian today to realize that the recent actions of Hamas and Islamic Jihad are detrimental to the Palestinian cause and contrary to all aspects of the Palestinian equation. These actions, which come on the eve of the Israeli withdrawal from Gaza, are designed to obstruct the withdrawal and depict it as a victory for the guns of the resistance, not as a political achievement. In trying to claim credit for Israel's decision to pull out of Gaza, Hamas and Islamic Jihad clearly believe that glory for the Palestinian armed resistance is more important than a political victory for the Palestinians.
This is a typical case of ranking priorities in the wrong order. The latest in a long list of blunders on the part of Hamas and Islamic Jihad are a clear indication that the main concern of their leaderships is that they, and not the Palestinian Authority, should wield control over Gaza after the Israeli pullout.
Meanwhile, Mahmoud Abbas has stated in no uncertain terms that he would stop any rockets fired at Israeli settlements by the Palestinian factions, whatever it took and no matter how high the cost. In making this statement, he showed statesmanship and courage and established his credentials as a great nationalist in the mould of Sadat, unlike the political dilettantes who have no political vision or formation but are driven only by primal urges.
As to those Palestinians who believe they can successfully and effectively pursue a policy whose ultimate objective is the elimination of Israel, in defiance of the initiative unanimously adopted at the Arab League Conference held in Beirut two years ago as well as of the line now followed by the legitimate Palestinian leadership, they are living in a fool’s paradise. In setting their sights on what is an unrealistic and unattainable goal, they are not only deluding themselves but doing irreparable harm to the interests of the Palestinian people. To spurn the possible for the sake of what is clearly impossible is ill-advised and self-defeating.
The broad strata of the Palestinian middle class, whether in the West Bank, Gaza or in the Diaspora, as well as the Israeli Arabs, are on the side of the legitimate Palestinian leadership, not of the forces of chaos. I call on them to raise their voices in unison against these forces, to tell those deluding themselves that they are acting in the best interests of the Palestinian people that their actions are in fact highly detrimental to those interests. They must also tell these renegade forces that no one has done more to serve the forces of extremism on the other side of the confrontation line than they themselves. The leaders of Hamas and Islamic Jihad surely know that they are playing into the hands of Israeli extremists, who can only marvel at the opportunities handed to them these days, whether by the rockets of the Al-Qassam brigade or by the sporadic attacks launched by other rejectionist forces.
I say to the symbol of legitimate Palestinian leadership, Mahmoud Abbas, that he must not be deflected from his determination to guarantee stability for his people, which is contingent on making good on his recent pledge not to tolerate lawlessness in whatever form and at whatever cost. But that is easier said than done. The seeds of chaos were planted by his predecessor to ensure that subsequent leaderships would never enjoy stability. To Abbas I also say that politics is the art of the possible, and that those who demand the impossible are not heroes but nihilists.
The position in which the Palestinian president finds himself today is similar to that of President Sadat in 1981 when his main concern was to ensure that nothing derailed the Israeli withdrawal from Sinai. Abbas knows that chaos at this stage would only serve the interests of other parties, certainly not of the Palestinians. I say to the renegade factions that the best thing they can do for the Palestinians at this critical juncture is to swear allegiance to the Palestinian Authority and to recognize its right to govern as the sole legitimate leadership of the Palestinian people. They should do so unilaterally, rather than after a showdown with either Israel or Fatah from which they – and the Palestinian people as a whole – will emerge as the biggest losers.
Finally, while knowing that my words will enrage the radical militants and with little hope that my proposal will be heeded, I call on the leaderships of Hamas and Islamic Jihad to announce a radical change of direction, to achieve what is known in management science as a breakthrough. They should issue a statement proclaiming that while they insist on the right of the Palestinian people to continue their resistance until an independent state is established, they will be bound by the following principles:
One: Armed resistance is not an end in itself, but a means by which to achieve Palestinian national aspirations.
Two: Armed resistance could be effective in some cases but not in others.
Three: Armed resistance is not aimed at usurping the authority of the legitimate Palestinian leadership.
Four: The Palestinians are striving to reach a mature and civilized stage of development in which political and military decisions are the exclusive prerogative of the legitimate Palestinian leadership.
Five: The Palestinian resistance movement considers attacks against non-military targets, whenever and wherever they occur, to be acts of a criminal and terrorist nature. That includes the random killing of civilians who happen to be in the vicinity of a military target.
Would Hamas and Islamic Jihad be ready to make such a shrewd and civilized move? This would make the late Abba Eban turn in his grave, for it was he who said one day that: “The Palestinians never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity!”. Or will they vindicate his skepticism and make the late Ismail Sidky turn in his grave? Egypt’s Prime Minister from 1930 to 1933 and again during 1946, Sidky famously said in his address to the Egyptian Chamber of Deputies which was meeting to discuss Egypt’s participation in the war of 1948, that what he feared most was that the Arab side would lose the possible while it was chasing after the impossible.
I have no idea if the Palestinians will ever reach a point where they embrace a civilized society, and I dont spend a lot of time thinking about it because ultimately there is nothing we can do to push them into it.
What I do know is that the moral weight of occupying the West Bank and Gaza Strip is such that Israel would never know peace with itself (let alone the world) until that situation was stablized one way or another. Soldiers must fight for causes they believe to be worth risking their lives for, else they inevitably degenerate into little more than brigands. No soldiers can indefinately hold hostage a civilian population at gunpoint. It murders the spirit.
Decisive action was required, and reshuffling the deck was inevitable. I think Sharon has made a shrewd move. Israel can pull back to a defensible position and give the Palestinians their chance. Odds are they degenerate into civil war, but who knows? The point is, once Israel is disengaged, it is no longer their problem. If rockets fly over their wall, rockets can fly back.
Blather about "the moral weight of occupying the West Bank and Gaza Strip" could only be put forth by people who live in safe neighborhoods protected by armed police who have a free hand to go into bad (=lawless) neighborhoods to arrest or otherwise take down anyone who might bring that lawlessness into the good neighborhoods where people sit safely at their computers tut-tutting Israel.
If it's that easy to get this much praise, let me say here and now that I, too, will stop rocket-fire on Israeli towns and villages, whatever the cost.
Abbas is no better than Arafat, or even Hamas. He's just smarter. Condemn terrorism as you invite the terrorists in to your organisation. Pledge to fight terror, even as your revolving door prisons release murderers and thugs. Send in your 'security forces' to hunt their comrades-in-arms from Islamic Jihad and Hamas.
This whole charade is pointless.
Incidentally, 'armed resistance' is one hell of a term for suicide bombing a bus full of kids.
Tarek, what exactly makes Mahmoud Abbas the 'legitimate leader'?
Tarek Heggy is right on all counts re: what ought to happen if the Palestinians were serious about having a working state as the top priority, rather than pursuing a genocide of the Israelis.
These things will not happen. Draw your own conclusions.
The logic of the Gaza and Wall strategy has been explained before by folks like Steven Den Beste. The question therefore becomes what additional actions or policies are required to force the PA into a position where confrontation of the Islamist paramilitary death squads is indeed its only option, and Abbas' promise must escalate to more than words.
I use the word "force" because I have no illusions that this will happen voluntarily otherwise.
what we want, what would convince us that Abbas is serious, would be for Abbas to disarm Hamas and IJ.
What would prove Abbas to be unserious, and no better than Arafat, would be for Abbas to look the other way when Hamas and IJ fire on Israel, and to even quietly provide them funds, as Arafat did.
Either of these would give us a simple answer. However indications are that NEITHER is likely.
Instead Abbas and Dahlan will pursue an intermediate policy. They will not provide any funds for Hamas, as Arafat did - unlike Arafat, Hamas is clearly their adversary. They will (they already have) use Pal security forces against Hamas and IJ caught red handed firing rockets and mortars from Gaza into Israel. They will continue to attempt to push their own political position against Hamas, and push back when Hamas uses force against them. They will NOT ban Hamas, disarm it by force, or hunt for alleged terrorists door to door.
Some will say this is cause Abbas lacks cojones. Others will say its cause in his heart he doesnt want peace with Israel. His defenders will say (quietly) that he is doing as much as he can, that he needs to build (and purge) the PA sec forces, and meanwhile deal deftly with a difficult political situation on the ground. In public, with a view to Pal public opinion, Abbas will call for more Israeli concessions, and will blame Israeli policy for the strength of Hamas.
Sharon will give us his take, based on info available to him. Some of us will trust Sharon,others will not.
I expect we have alot to debate over in coming months.
"Blather about "the moral weight of occupying the West Bank and Gaza Strip" could only be put forth by people who live in safe neighborhoods protected by armed police who have a free hand to go into bad (=lawless) neighborhoods to arrest or otherwise take down anyone who might bring that lawlessness into the good neighborhoods where people sit safely at their computers tut-tutting Israel."
That argument might work if Israel wasnt making a conscious decision to keep the border between Israel and the territories open. Our police cant go into Tiajuana to fight the drug cartels, although its not a great example because we havent decided to lock down our border either. There would indeed be a moral cost if we decided to send the 101st airborn to occupy Northern Mexico indefinately because we didnt have the political will to seal our own borders and stop criminals and terrorists from coming through.
#5 liberalhawk:
Abbas does look the other way. The PLO 'police' have got in to a couple of scuffles with Qassam crews, arrested a few and released them a few days later... And that's it. There have been more reports of terrorists firing within sight of PLO 'police' than of those same 'police officers' stopping the Qassam crews.
As for funding, the PLO's assistance to Hamas and PIJ was mostly operational. Both groups have had little trouble raising their own money. While Arafat did transfer money to those groups, what made his stance clear was his orders to the al-Aksa Martyrs, Tanzim, and members of his 'police force' to murder Israelis - and to collaborate with other terrorist groups.
If he were trying to purge the PLO 'police', he wouldn't be recruiting Hamas and PIJ terrorists in to its ranks, wouldn't you say?
Who was it that said, "They [the Palestineans] never miss an opportunity to miss an opportunity."? It seems to be as true today as it was forty years ago.
Mark,
You leave out of your calculations Republican Socialism: price supports for criminals.
Seems like a bad case of collective amnesia.
Anybody remember alcohol prohibition?
====================================Sharon's plan will give the Palis a defacto state.
If they persist in attacking Israel, I expect them to lose pieces of their state a slice at a time.
An incentive plan.
Eban, like so many, was under the impression that the Palestinians would have liked to live in their own state side by side (even if grudgingly) with Israel.
Eban was wrong.
The Palestinians, therefore, have never missed an opportunity.
(Except, perhaps in the sense of having missed, or blown, opportunities to erase the Zionist entity. But they're still working at it, with more support than ever before. And could it be that, with the help of their various friends, the light is visible at the end of that particular tunnel?)
"Sharon's plan will give the Palis a defacto state.
If they persist in attacking Israel, I expect them to lose pieces of their state a slice at a time.
An incentive plan."
Agreed M. This gives the Pals somethings to lose, which is important. It also gives them something to fight over, which is good if we expect some faction (hopefully not Hamas) to seize any kind of effective control. With Israel running the territories there was not an incentive for good government. We shall see if anyone steps up to the plate. Recent history suggests its unlikely but you never know.